• Migration and Human Security: Unpacking Myths and Examining New Realities and Responses

World Migration Report 2024: Chapter 5

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Chapter 5
Migration and Human Security: Unpacking Myths and Examining New Realities and Responses

Human security throughout the migration cycle

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This section situates the analysis of human security from migrants’ perspectives rather than from a State perspective. This enables an important rights-based aspect to be articulated, supplementing the more dominant State-based framing around migration and (national) security.37 The section draws upon extensive research and analysis undertaken with (and by) migrants across the globe, providing examples of manifestations of human security and insecurity along the spectrum of migrants’ agency, including from cross-border displacement and human trafficking to labour and international student migration. As we witnessed during COVID-19, people from all walks of life were impacted negatively by pandemic-induced immobility, but those with resources were often better able to respond to the resulting increased vulnerabilities.

In this section, human security and insecurity throughout the migration cycle are described, with examples relevant to each of the different stages: pre-departure, transit, entry, stay and return. It is important to note that not all international migration is connected to, or caused by, human insecurity. Many people who choose to migrate do so in search of an enriching opportunity, to become immersed in new cultures and places, or possibly out of a sense of adventure; that said, this type of migration can only be undertaken by those who have both the aspirations and ability to do so,38 and many with the aspirations to migrate are unable to do so because they do not have the ability to realize their ambition, resulting in their “involuntary immobility”.39

 

Figure 2. Human security throughout the migration cycle
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Notes: This figure provides examples of how human security and insecurity is relevant to different stages of migration. It is not intended to be exhaustive.

* “extreme human insecurity” includes, for example, conflict, persecution, disaster (such as floods and wildfires); “eroding or low human security” includes, for example, poverty, human rights abuses, severe economic downturn and spiking inflation or unemployment; see the definition of human security earlier in this chapter.

 

Pre-departure

Before people have left their home communities, human insecurity can loom large in the minds of many. This is most relevant for people caught in conflict or disaster and needing to find safety by moving to a much safer place within their own country or a neighbouring one. Displaced persons are often the ones facing the most extreme insecurity in the pre-departure phase, and, in recognition of this, a range of international treaties as well as humanitarian assistance programming are long standing, well developed and widely recognized (although underfunded).40 There is also recognition of the limits of the international community’s reach and influence, especially as it relates to people who remain within a country (including IDPs) who face extreme insecurity, including in the form of gross human rights abuses.41

For those not facing such grave conditions, decisions about whether to migrate internationally can nevertheless feature considerations of aspects of human security. Access to travel documents and visas – which determine migration journeys – is important within decision-making contexts, and has been shown to be a key factor when the possibilities of migrating are explored while in the country of origin. In recent research on migration intentions, for example, the availability of visas was found to be a determining factor in how people conducted online job searches.42 Similarly, changes in visa settings have been found to have an impact on potential migrants’ contemplations of migration, as well as their eventual migration.43 This can be seen, for example, in the changes that occur after visa restrictions are removed for specific groups, including by citizenship.44 While there is a myriad of examples, such changes have been prominent when visa liberalization has occurred in key destination countries or regions, such as in the United States in the 1960s, and within Europe as Schengen arrangements expanded over time, taking in an increasing number of countries.45 Importantly, there are services that can be provided after people have made the decision to migrate and before they embark on migration journeys. Pre-departure information and training, for example, for people who are about to migrate, can assist in supporting their security and well-being during the migration process as well as their initial integration post-arrival.46

 

Illiteracy, insecurity and displacement of Afghans

Afghanistan is an impoverished country with a low rate of literacy, especially for women, and long-term civil conflicts. The combination of these features explains the multifaceted nature of insecurity leading to the displacement of many Afghans for decades.a

In 1979, only 18 per cent of people 15 years or older were recorded as literate, increasing to 31 per cent by 2011 and to 37 per cent in 2021.b Despite the slow but promising progress over the last two decades, there is a substantial gender literacy gap; in 2018, around 55 per cent of men, compared to 30 per cent of women, were literate.c Several reasons explain this deprivation. In addition to the long-term civil war,

Afghanistan has been struggling with universal povertyd without having reliable resources to invest in development and education planning. The high population growth rate has also led to a young population and accordingly a large number of school-age children, but there has been significant unmet demand for education. Indeed, despite the progress made during 2001–2021,e education attainment, particularly for women, has negatively been affected under the Taliban’s rule. Education for boys and girls beyond the 6th grade was suspended in August 2021.f

Severe restrictions are in place for women and girls, limiting their participation in education, work, and social and political life. This has created a situation where women do not have any hope other than escaping from the society. The unexpected takeover by the Taliban resulted in fear and concern about the higher education sector. Consequently, many university professors, lecturers and students left Afghanistan. The laws imposed by the Taliban, including gender segregation, have reduced the number of female students and increased the costs of private universities, and many are being closed. Moreover, many students in Afghanistan are unable to continue their studies due to economic insecurity. There is a fear of persecution among ethnic groups, particularly Hazara people and students, as evidenced by the incidence of suicide bombing in one of their education centres in Kabul’s Dashti Barchi neighbourhood, a Hazara resident area, on 30 September 2022 killing close to fifty female students who were sitting for a practice exam.g

The interrelationship of illiteracy, lack of access to developmental infrastructure, poverty and insecurity in Afghanistan has led to the displacement and forced migration of a large proportion of the population both within and from the country to the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan for decades.h Displacement, in turn, has disrupted education development. Despite the improvement of education of Afghan migrants and refugees in such receiving countries as the Islamic Republic of Iran,i with the arrival of a large number of documented and undocumented Afghans since August 2021, their enrolment in public education has been faced with challenges.

Educational deprivations are serious for human security, and illiteracy is considered as insecurity.j One of the reasons for and consequences of illiteracy is displacement. Afghans have been struggling with illiteracy, poverty and insecurity connected to their displacement over three decades. Thus, access to and improvement of education, particularly for women, is one of the ways out of this vicious cycle.

Source: Hosseini-Chavoshi and Abbasi-Shavazi, 2023.

 

Transit

Where possible, migrants will choose to transit through countries on visas and with identity documents.47 There are stark differences between travelling on a visa and travelling without a visa when one is required. From a migrant’s perspective, the experience can be profoundly different in a number of important ways that can impact the human security of the migrant and the migrant’s family, including those who may remain in the country of origin. First, visas denote authority to enter a country and offer legitimacy when arriving in and travelling through a country. A valid visa provides a greater chance of being safeguarded against exploitation. Conversely, travelling without a visa puts people at much greater risk of being detained and deported by authorities, or exploited and abused by those offering illicit migration services, such as smugglers or traffickers, who operate largely outside of regulated systems. Second, transiting on visas is more likely to be safer and more certain, and offers migrants greater choice over such aspects as length of journey, travel mode and with whom to travel (if anyone).

While most migration journeys are straightforward, some can result in abuse and even death.48 It is unsurprising, then, that there is often a strong preference for travelling on a visa. However, in many locations around the world, informal migration journeys are typical and there may be no opportunity to access visa regimes; as well, some citizens have very limited ability to access travel documents, such as passports, which are often a prerequisite to visa access. Further, in acute disaster and conflict situations people have to move quickly and often find themselves in hazardous situations, facing perilous journeys and extreme vulnerability in transit; these types of movements can quickly become major humanitarian concerns, with local, national and international humanitarian organizations assisting displaced populations.

Migrants can also become stranded during transit (or in destination countries), with major implications for their security.49 During COVID-19, for example, thousands of migrants were stranded in countries without comprehensive social protection regimes, placing them at risk of starvation and homelessness.50 Charities, non-governmental organizations (including migrant groups), United Nations agencies and local communities around the world came to the assistance of stranded migrants to support their immediate needs, most especially during the initial, acute phase of the pandemic, when severe lockdowns and travel restrictions were sometimes implemented without much warning.51

Entry

Entering another country usually involves crossing an international border and, in most cases, being assessed by authorities against requirements for entry.52 Borders can be welcoming places for migrants, but they can also be places of intense scrutiny, and of potential exploitation and abuse. For many migrants, entering another country and passing through border control points can be particularly intimidating and stressful experiences, especially for those travelling on “weak” passports or seeking to cross without documentation (such as displaced stateless persons).53 For others, grave insecurity can result from so-called “pushbacks” in land and maritime settings whereby migrants (including refugees and asylum-seekers) are not only denied entry but are pushed back across the border immediately after entry, placing them in highly vulnerable situations (including risking their lives, especially at sea).54

Because borders are central to the concept and practice of State sovereignty, the entry of non-nationals is often highly regulated, with normative frameworks needing to balance State interest and safeguard migrants’ rights.55 Some analysts have argued that the dominant approach by many States – with a focus on managing borders to combat organized crime and other criminality – has had the effect of subordinating human rights protections in border spaces, notwithstanding that international initiatives to counter human trafficking necessarily include a focus on the physical border and entry processes.56 In fact, smooth arrival processes and well-managed border and entry processes can effectively support human security through the provision of safe, transparent and clear processes that are free from corrupt practices.57 For instance, people seeking to enter another country may be vulnerable because of the situations they left behind (where they may have been persecuted persons), the way in which they travelled (such as irregular, smuggled or trafficked persons), or the conditions they face on arrival (such as xenophobia or discrimination);58 well-managed borders allow such migrants in vulnerable situations to be more readily identified and assisted.

Closed borders during displacement events or crises significantly increase human insecurity, sometimes posing grave risks to human life. During the acute phase of COVID-19, for example, total border closures placed migrants at extreme risk of serious human insecurity, including refoulement, lack of access to asylum procedures and in some situations heightened risk of virus infection.59 The denial of entry, such as through interdictions and pushback operations of maritime arrivals, highlights the extreme risks to human security and the potential for loss of life at entry.60 On the other hand, the intensity of negotiations among international actors during displacement crises, particularly those involving conflict and violence, highlight the critical importance of borders in human security.61 Opening up borders in such extreme situations can mean saving hundreds or even thousands of lives.

 

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Hear My Voice: Insecurity of migrant children

In June 2019, attorney Warren Binford traveled to the US Customs and Border Protection facility in Clint, Texas. She was there on a routine visit to monitor the government’s compliance with the Flores Settlement Agreement, which governs how long and under what conditions migrant children can be held in detention facilities. She ended up interviewing dozens of children over a few days, and gathered stories so shocking – of hungry, cold and sick children sleeping on concrete floors under Mylar blankets – that they became international news.

After that visit, Binford started a non-profit dedicated to strengthening legal protections for children in custody. On its website, visitors can read sworn testimony from dozens of children and teenagers. But Binford ran into a problem: she says the children’s stories were just too harrowing to hold an audience. “People were so depressed. They would call me and say, ‘I can’t do it. I bawl my eyes out. It’s too much.’ And so then it was like, ‘OK. How do we help people to access this knowledge that the children have given us in the children’s own words?’”

Her solution: a picture book. Hear My Voice/Escucha Mi Voz, published in both English and Spanish, features excerpts of the testimonies, paired with art by award-winning illustrators who are Latinx.

“Having these really fabulous artists come together and illustrate the book helps to create a more accessible point of entry into these children’s lives, and who they are, and why they came to the United States”, Binford says. One illustration shows a border crossing, with two children riding on a woman’s shoulders across the Rio Grande. “One day in the morning we passed a wire fence with a big sign that said, ‘Welcome to the United States’”, the child narrator says. “My little sister and I came from Honduras”, reads a page with illustrations of children sleeping in a wire cage. The artist has depicted them with birds’ heads.

Binford is hoping that Hear My Voice/Escucha Mi Voz will be suitable for families to read and talk about together. “The children’s book allows it to be a little kinder and gentler accounting of the children”, she explains. “And by creating this mosaic from different declarations [it] helps to give a sense of who these children are collectively”.

Source: Abridged excerpt of Kamenetz, 2021.

 

Stay

“Regular” stay increases human security because when a migrant has permission to reside in a country – whether to study, to work, to be part of a family or for protection reasons – they have a legitimacy that provides a degree of practical protection in day-to-day life. For example, it is more difficult for unscrupulous employers, landlords, corrupt officials and others to exploit people who have regular, documented immigration status.62 Regular migrants are able to live in communities more openly and freely than undocumented or irregular migrants, with greater access to public and social services such as education, health and transportation.63

Migrants may face discrimination in destination countries in a wide variety of settings, including in workplaces, schools and universities, health-care environments and social settings. Discrimination acts to impair the mental and physical health of migrants, and in some cases can have severe impacts.64 The increase in misinformation and disinformation on migration and migrants has fuelled discriminatory sentiment and xenophobia, resulting in online hate speech and also physical violence towards ethnic minorities in some communities.65 Effective antidiscrimination policies are an important preventative measure to help support human security and social cohesion in societies, including migrant populations.66

Improving the human security of migrants during their stay also improves the overall human security of the population. During COVID-19, for example, access to regularization programmes, access to public health services (such as vaccination and treatment services), as well as support from community and diaspora groups, proved essential in achieving broader public health objectives and ensuring no one was left behind.67

 

Gender, migration and human security: West and Central Africa

There are many women and girls who migrate in West and Central Africa, with many experiencing a range of gender-based risks. Women in West and Central Africa migrate for various reasons, including in search of economic opportunities, to reunite with their families and to further their education.a In West Africa, nearly half of all migrant workers within and from the region are female.b

Economic factors remain the primary driver of migration. While women migrants are engaged in both formal and informal employment activities, the majority continue to be employed in the informal economy, including in areas such as trade and domestic work.b Female migrants from and within the subregion face several security challenges and risks, both during migration and following arrival in destination countries. Sexual exploitation and violence during migration journeys, precarious employment conditions in destination countries and low wages are some of the challenges that many experience.c

 

Return

The return of migrants to countries of origin and their reintegration into communities are part of the migration cycle, and can be particularly challenging for migrants’ human security. Migrants who return may have been living overseas for many years, if not decades, and may face obstacles – such as financial, social and legal obstacles – to smooth reintegration into local communities.68 They may be returning after working for years in another country, after completing higher education or temporary assignment, or after a failed migration or asylum application. Return migration, therefore, covers a wide spectrum of situations and may not necessarily be voluntary.69 From a human security perspective, return can result in extreme hardship and risk of internal displacement, even where voluntary, although these risks can be even higher when migrants are forced to return to their country of origin.70

The circumstances of the return – both prior to returning and after return – are critical from a human security perspective and migrants’ rights can be at risk in several ways. One of the most fundamental is the forced return of migrants against the principle of non-refoulement,71 which presents grave human rights risks for the returning migrant and is, therefore, a key principle of international human rights law.